從2016年開端，預備本科赴美留學的童鞋們須要加入新SAT測驗。新SAT測驗與現行的SAT測驗比擬，瀏覽部門的難度更高，由於新SAT瀏覽中增長了對美國經典政治演說的考核，也便是說，沒賣力讀過林肯的《葛底斯堡演說》、馬丁路德金的《我有一個妄想》，想短時間內敏捷霸占新SAT瀏覽是很難的。為了贊助童鞋們戰勝缺少配景常識的停滯，本文整頓了新SAT必考政治演說《我有一個妄想》的中英雙語版，願望對童鞋們備考新SAT有所贊助~
《我有一個妄想》
本日，我愉快地同眾人一路，加入此次將成為我國汗青上為了爭奪自由而舉辦的最巨大的請願聚會會議。
100年前，一名巨大的美國人--本日咱們就站在他意味性的身影下--簽訂了《解放宣言》。這項主要法律的公布，對付千百萬灼烤於非公理殘焰中的黑奴，如同帶來願望之光的碩大燈塔，好似停止漫漫永夜監禁的歡樂拂曉。
但是，100年後，黑人仍然沒有得到自由。100年後，黑人仍然悲涼地盤跚於種族斷絕和種族輕視的桎梏之下。100年後，黑人仍然生存在物資繁華翰海的貧苦孤島上。100年後，黑人仍然在美國社會中央向隅而泣，仍然覺得本身在領土故裏中流浪流浪。
以是，咱們本日來到這裏，要把這危言聳聽的情形公諸於眾。
從某種意義上說，咱們來到國度的都城是為了兌現一張支票。咱們共和國的創作發明者在擬寫憲法和自力宣言的光輝篇章時，就簽訂了一張每個美國人都能繼續的期票。這張期票向全部人許諾--豈論白人照樣黑人--都享有弗成轉讓的生計權、自由權和尋求幸福權。
但是，本日美國明顯對她的有色國民拖欠著這張期票。美國沒有承兌這筆神聖的債務，而是開端給黑人一張空頭支票--一張蓋著“資金不敷”的印戳被退回的支票。然則，咱們決不信任公理的銀行會停業。咱們決不信任這個國度偉大的機遇寶庫會資金不敷。
是以，咱們來兌現這張支票。這張支票將給咱們以名貴的自由和公理的保障。
咱們來到這塊聖地還為了提示美國：如今恰是萬分緊迫的時候。如今不是不遲不疾悠然行事或服用漸進主義沉著劑的時刻。如今是實現民主信譽的時刻。如今是走出昏暗荒漠的種族斷絕幽谷，踏上種族同等的陽關大道的時刻。如今是使咱們國度走出種族不屈等的流沙，踏上充斥伯仲之情的盤石的時刻。如今是使天主全部孩子真正享有公平的時刻。
疏忽這臨時刻的緊急性，對付國度將會是致命的。自由同等的朗朗秋天不到來，黑人順情公道哀怨的炎夏就不會曩昔。1963年不是一個停止，而是一個開始。
假如國度仍然我行我素，那些願望黑人只需出出氣就會得償所願的人將大失所望。
在黑人獲得國民權以前，美國既不會安定，也不會鎮靜。對抗的旋風將持續震動咱們國度的基石，直至輝煌璀璨的公理之日光降。
然則，對付站在通向公理之宮艱險門坎上的人們，有一些話我必需要說。在咱們爭奪正當位置的過程當中，切不要毛病行事致使犯法。咱們切不要吞飲痛恨酸楚的苦酒，來消除對付自由的飲渴。
咱們應當永久得體地、規律嚴正地舉行奮斗。咱們不克不及允許咱們富有發明性的抗議淪為暴力行為。咱們應當賡續升華到用魂魄力氣對於肉體力氣的高尚地步。
囊括黑人社會的新的事業般的戰役精力，不該致使咱們對全部白人的不信賴--由於很多白人兄弟已熟悉到：他們的運氣同咱們的運氣慎密相連，他們的自由同咱們的自由風雨同舟。他們本日來到這裏加入聚會會議便是明證。
咱們不克不及零丁行為。當咱們行為時，咱們必需包管一往無前。咱們不克不及撤退退卻。有人問熱情民權活動的人：“你們何時會覺得滿足?”只要黑人仍然是不勝形容的警員暴行恐懼的就義品，咱們就決不會滿足。只要咱們在旅途勞累後，卻被公路旁汽車旅客旅店和都會旅店拒之門外，咱們就決不會滿足。只要黑人的根本運動規模只限於從狹窄的黑人棲身區到較大的黑人棲身區，咱們就決不會滿足。只要咱們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子褫奪本性，損毀莊嚴，咱們就決不會滿足。只要密西西比州的黑人不克不及加入推舉，紐約州的黑人以為他們與推舉絕不相關，咱們就決不會滿足。不，不，咱們不會滿足，直大公正似水奔流，公理如泉噴湧。
我並不是沒有留意到你們有些人歷盡艱苦幹癟來到這裏。你們有些人方才走出狹窄的牢房。有些人來自因尋求自由而遭遇危害風暴打擊和警員兇橫狂飆摧殘的地域。你們歷盡滄桑，歷盡魔難。持續盡力吧，要信任：無辜刻苦終得救濟。
回到密西西比去吧;回到亞拉巴馬去吧;回到南卡羅來納去吧;回到佐治亞去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到咱們北方都會中的窮人窟和黑人棲身區去吧。要曉得，這類情形可以或許並且將會轉變。咱們切不要在失望的深淵裏沉溺。
同夥們，本日我要對你們說，只管眼下艱苦重重，但我仍然懷有一個夢。這個夢深深植根於美國夢當中。
我妄想有一天，這個國度將會抖擻，實現其立國信條的真理：“咱們以為這些真諦不問可知：大家生而同等。”
我妄想有一天，在佐治亞州的赤色山崗上，往日仆從的兒子可以或許同往日仆從主的兒子同席而坐，情同骨肉。
我妄想有一天，乃至連密西西比州--一個非公理和榨取的熱浪逼人的荒野之州，也會改革成為自由和公平的青青綠洲。
我妄想有一天，我的四個小女兒將生存在一個不因此皮膚的色彩，而因此品德的好壞作為評判尺度的國度裏。
我本日懷有一個夢。
我妄想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會有所轉變--只管該州州長如今仍口若懸河地說甚麽要春聯邦法律提出異媾和謝絕履行--在那邊，黑人兒童可以或許和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地聯袂並行。
我本日懷有一個夢。
我妄想有一天，幽谷彌合，高山夷平，岔路支路化坦途，曲徑成亨衢，天主的光彩再現，普世界生靈共謁。
這是咱們的願望。這是我將帶回南邊去的信心。有了這個信心，咱們就可以從失望之山開采出願望之石。有了這個信心，咱們就可以把這個國度的喧華逆耳的辯論聲，變成充斥伯仲之情的動聽交響曲。有了這個信心，咱們就可以一同事情，一同禱告，一同奮斗，一同入獄，一同保護自由，由於咱們曉得，咱們終有一天會得到自由。到了這一天，天主的全部孩子都能以新的寄義高唱這首歌：
我的故國，可愛的自由之邦，我為您歌頌。這是我先人終老之處，這是初期移民驕傲之處，讓自由之聲，響徹每座山崗。
假如美國要成為巨大的國度，這一點必需實現。是以，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨岑嶺!
讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺!
讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼岑嶺!
讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山!
讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰!
不，不但如斯;讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山!
讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山!
讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山嶽，一個個土丘!
讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗!
當咱們讓自由之聲轟響，當咱們讓自由之聲響徹每個大村落小莊，每個州府城鎮，咱們就可以加快這一天的到來。當時，天主的全部孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和上帝教徒，將能聯袂同唱那首陳腐的黑人靈歌：“終究自由了!終究自由了!感激萬能的天主，咱們終究自由了!”
【參考譯文】
I Have a Dream
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must facethe tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation,Americahas given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us up on demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remindAmericaof the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands ofracial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to under estimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility inAmericauntil the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace ofjustice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel,cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you havecome here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama,go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos ofour northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will bechanged. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the stateof Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression,will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning
My country, 'tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,
of thee I sing:
Land where my fathers died,
Land of the pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside,
Let freedom ring.
And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and every mole hill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last!free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!"
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